Vice President Joe Biden arrived in Egypt on Sunday to begin an important weeklong trip to Africa. Before his departure from Washington, the Save Darfur Coalition sent Mr. Biden an urgent appeal to make the dangerous situations in Sudan a top priority during his scheduled meetings with Egyptian, Kenyan, and South African leaders.

These three African powerhouse countries all have a stake in the future of Sudan. As neighbors, Egypt and Kenya would feel the direct impact of increased instability throughout the country, and especially the renewal of the North/South war. Egypt’s primary concern is the free flow of the Nile, although like Kenya it also fears a flood of refugees that would flee any new conflict. On the other hand, in the event that the Southern Sudanese choose independence next January in the referendum, Cairo and Nairobi could also reap considerable benefits from a peaceful separation. Investors in both countries, for example, are eyeing attractive business opportunities in a newly sovereign South Sudan that will be built from the ground up.

It is not surprising, therefore, that Egypt and Kenya have long played a role in regional peacemaking efforts to resolve Sudan’s decades of conflict. As a leading country within the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (a seven-country regional development organization for East Africa), Kenya provided the chief mediator and critical political support to the negotiations that resulted in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed in 2005 between the National Congress Party and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M). During the North/South civil war, Egypt also attempted to broker talks and allowed both the SPLA/M and northern opposition to meet regularly in Cairo. As a continental diplomatic powerhouse, South Africa also consistently pressed both sides to end the war, and now South Africa chairs the AU Ministerial Committee on Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development in the Sudan (PCRD) and former South African President Thabo Mbeki now leads the African Union’s High Level Implementation Panel on Sudan.

While all three countries have sought to help Sudanese handle their recurring crises at different times in the past, not all of their contributions have been positive, nor coordinated. Most recently, Egypt has allegedly obstructed progress in the Darfur peace talks in Doha out of envy that the Qataris were taking the lead in the negotiations. With a declared preference for unity rather than separation, Egyptian officials have also sent mixed signals about whether they will recognize the results of the referendum. The situation of tens of thousands of Sudanese refugees living in Egypt has also grown more precarious as Egyptian security have at times arbitrarily harassed, detained and threatened refugees with illegal deportation.

Since the signing of the CPA, Kenya has firmly supported its full implementation.  A recent International Crisis Group report states: “For the most part, Kenya long managed to be pro-South without being anti-North, though its inclinations are now well known in Khartoum.”  With that said, Kenya has played a role in furthering a dangerous arms race between Juba and Khartoum by serving as a conduit for unreported and potentially illegal shipments of tanks and other arms to the Government of South Sudan.

As for South Africa, its diplomats at the UN Security Council, UN Human Rights Council and African Union during the past presidency of Thabo Mbeki often protected Khartoum from official condemnation and other resolutions attempting to apply pressure on the Sudanese government for its actions in Darfur. Current President Jacob Zuma’s strong support of the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrant for President Omar Al Bashir, as well as criticism of the recent elections, suggest that the country’s foreign policy has shifted considerably.

Given this mixed history of involvement by each country and their ongoing relationships with key actors in Sudan, the U.S. must collaborate closely with Cairo, Nairobi and Pretoria over the next six months and beyond to confront the multiple challenges in Sudan. These capitals also are influential in shaping regional policy approaches through the African Union and all have contributed troops to the United Nations/African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID).

In Save Darfur’s letter, we specifically asked that Vice President Biden seek commitments from these countries to cooperate with the U.S. in the following:

• Sending a unified message to all parties in Sudan that attempts by any party to delay, disrupt, or undermine the implementation of the final stages of the CPA will be met with serious multilateral consequences;

• Supporting the peace process in Darfur by pressing the Sudanese government and all belligerents to commit to a cease-fire and return to the negotiating table;

• Encouraging UNAMID to expand its footprint in Darfur so that it is able to cover more areas and protect more civilians at risk of violence;

• Seeking justice for victims and accountability for the perpetrators of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in Darfur; and

• Demanding respect for all political and civil rights of Sudanese per the Interim Constitution by using unilateral and multilateral mechanisms to apply appropriate pressure on the governments in power in Khartoum and Juba.

Securing regional buy-in on these initiatives is critical in helping the Sudanese create an environment where they can tackle the interlocking political crises and challenges without a resort to deadly violence. Equally important, the current trip represents an ideal opportunity for the Obama administration to demonstrate to it’s African partners and other international stakeholders that the U.S. is ready to lead those in the international community committed to working together toward a final end to the conflict in Darfur, a peaceful referendum period, and the protection of human and political rights across Sudan.